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      AUTHOR = {Frank, Anette},
      TITLE = {A (Discourse) Functional Analysis of Asymmetric Coordination},
      YEAR = {2002},
      BOOKTITLE = {Proceedings of the 7th International Lexical Functional Grammar Conference (LFG'02), July 3-5},
      ADDRESS = {Athens, Greece},
      ABSTRACT = {A long-standing puzzle in coordination is the so-called SGF-coordination (Subject Gap in Finite/Fronted constructions) in German (1), first discussed b y (Hoehle 1983). Its syntactic analysis is challenging, since the subject (Jaeger, man) is realised in the middle field in the left conjunct, and is thus - under standard analyses of constituent coordination - not accessible from within the second conjunct, which is missing a subject (hence subject gap). (1) a. In den Wald ging der Jaeger und fing einen Hasen. Into the forest went the hunter and caught a rabbit The hunter went into the forest and caught a rabbit (1) b. Nimmt man den Deckel ab und ruehrt die Fuellung um, steigen Daempfe auf. Takes one the cover off and stirrs the stuffing, steam rises. If one takes the cover off and stirrs the stuffing, steam will rise. SGF constructions have been analysed in terms of asymmetrically embedded conjuncts (Wunderlich 1988, Hoehle 1990, Heycock and Kroch 1993, Buering und Hartmann 1998) or symmetric conjuncts (Steedman 1990, Kathol 1995,1999). Asymmetric embedding is problematic as it involves extraction asymmetries, or a doubtful analysis of coordination as adjunction. Symmetric analyses assume special licensing conditions which are not independently motivated. Especially the word order conditions of Kathol's analysis lack any independent syntactic motivation, and fail to account for related asymmetric coordinations of verb-last and verb-fronted (VL/VF) sentences (2). (2) Wenn Du in ein Kaufhaus kommst und (Du) hast kein Geld, kannst Du nichts kaufen. if you in a shop come and you have no money can you nothing buy If you enter a shop and (you) don't have any money, you can't buy anything. We present a multi-factorial LFG analysis of asymmetric constructions (1) and (2), which relies on independently motivated principles of the correspondences between c-structure, f-structure, and i-structure (information structure). SGF coordination is analysed as symmetric coordination in c-structure. Binding of the (prima facie) inaccessible subject of the first conjunct is enabled, at the level of f-structure, by asymmetric projection of a grammaticalised discourse function GDF, a topic or subject function (Bresnan, 2001). Asymmetric GDF projection is motivated by relating the semantic and discourse-functional properties of asymmetric coordination to well-known discourse subordination effects of modal subordination. In conjunction with word order constraints in the optimality model of (Choi 1999, 2001), our analysis explains some mysterious word order constraints as well as some puzzling scoping properties.},
      NOTE = {in October}
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