Computational Linguistics Colloquium
Thursday, 4 July, 16:15, Seminar Room, Building 17
Adjunct valents, cumulative scopings and impossible descriptions
Bob LevineDepartment of Linguistics
The Ohio State University
Recent traceless accounts of extraction, such as Bouma, Malouf and Sag's important recent paper in NLLT v.19, `Satisfying constraints on extraction and adjunction' (BMS), rely on a mechanism roughly characterizable as valence reduction as the principle means for terminating extraction pathways. In place of empty categories occupying positions in phrase structure, this approach assumes that gaps correspond to cases where a lexical head has failed to combine with a category it normally selects. The connectivity mechanism which links fillers to their gap sites via SLASH propagation is, on this approach, revised to mark relevant heads so that their valence is reduced by exactly the filler element(s) to which they are linked; thus, in a sentence such as `On which table did you put the book', the sign corresponding to `put' which appears in the HPSG representation of this sentence simply does not take a PP valent, and hence the latter never appears as a sister to the head, though a description of suppressed PP complement does appear on the verb's ARG(ument)-ST(ructure) and DEP(endent)S list. But on such an account, the extraction of adjuncts is immediately ruled out on the assumption long held in syntactic theory that adjuncts are unselected sisters of phrasal projections.
BMS argue that this assumption has no strong motivation. They defend the position that it is not only conceptually preferable (assuming the correctness of their overall approach to extraction) but empirically motivated to take adjuncts to be selected elements appearing on COMPS lists, and to be suppressed as valents in cases of adjunct extraction by exactly the same interaction of relational constraints as extracted complements. They offer, as independent corroboration for this line of analysis, evidence from a number of quarters which strongly suggest that adjuncts are indeed dependents of heads, and emphasize in particular certain facts about the possibility of adjuncts scoping within complex lexical items in Japanese and Dutch to support their treatment of adjuncts as valents of lexical heads.
In this presentation I show that a rather common kind of interaction between adjunct modification and coordinate structure constitutes a severe contraindication to the BMS treatment of adjuncts, hence of adjunct extraction and of extraction in general. The data in question are sentences displaying cumulative scoping over coordinations, such as
- Robin came in, grabbed a chair, sat down and whipped off her logging boots in fifteen seconds flat.
- In how many seconds flat did Robin find a chair, sit down and whip off her logging boots?
If you would like to meet with the speaker, please contact
Frederik Fouvry.